By Joe Dwyer
Currently there are talks being held in the north of Ireland to rescue the political institutions. You’d be forgiven for not knowing this. The old media dictum “Ulster doesn’t sell” still reigns supreme. For many people, even those who keep abreast of current affairs, political strife in the north of Ireland was remedied with the Good Friday Agreement 16 years ago. Unfortunately, this is far from the actual experience. The process has often been described as one of “keeping the bicycle upright” more than anything, and this needs forward momentum to avoid collapsing or going backwards. The Assembly only fulfilled its first full term in 2011. Many hailed this achievement as a signifier of the end of the days of walkouts and crisis talks.
The last year has seen a rollback in this advancement. Political Unionism has fallen under the sway of a tiny minority of anti-agreement Unionists. Figures, such as Jim Allister, leader of Traditional Unionist Voice, hark back to the days of the old oppressive and sectarian Stormont regime as a glorious era. Rather than combat such sentiment political unionism has accommodated it and allowed it to gain traction, largely due to the dreaded fear of being branded a sell-out. Whereas Martin McGuinness, at great risk to himself, faced down those within the nationalist and republican community who threatened the stability of the process; no such proactive public position has been seen from Peter Robinson or Mike Nesbitt. Instead Unionist leaders have given heed to those intent on derailing the institutions. Since December last year no less than three initiatives have been launched to remedy outstanding political issues. Two of these initiatives collapsed due to Unionist intransigence. The third is currently ongoing.
In September 2013, US diplomat, Richard Haass and, Harvard Professor, Meghan O’Sullivan chaired Belfast talks to resolve the contentious issues of ‘Flags, Parading and the Past’. The talks were long and arduous. By the end a total of seven draft agreements had been produced. The final of these proposals received broad acceptance from the parties. Sinn Fein, the SDLP and the Alliance Party all agreed to give the document their backing. But Unionists balked at agreement. As a consequence the talks broke down on December 31st 2013. Unionist refusal to endorse the ‘Haass’ proposal was disingenuous. Only two days before Mike Nesbitt had told the media that the proposals were “80 to 90% over the line”. While, the Democratic Unionist Party were exposed as having been briefing fringe Unionist hardliners throughout negotiations; this included anti-agreement Unionists: Willie Frazer, Jamie Bryson and Jim Dowson (former chief fund-raiser for the British National Party, who now bank-rolls ‘Britain First’). I would recommend everyone read the ‘Haass’ proposals. They contain nothing sensational or unpalatable. Aside from minor objections to particular wording, Unionist politicians failed to articulate exactly what proved so unacceptable.
In July 2014 a second process was initiated. The leaders of all the main parties agreed to cross-party negotiations once more. On the second day of talks, all of the five Unionist parties walked-out. Their reason? – the Independent Parades Commission (a body established to adjudicate contentious parades) had ruled that a Belfast Orange Order March would not be permitted through an Irish Nationalist area on its return route on the annual ‘Twelfth of July’. Once more rather than deliver for the people of the north, political Unionism chose to cater to the hard-liners.
Now we are witnessing the third attempt to break out of the impasse. This time the talks are under the auspices of the British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers. The DUP have proven slow to come to the table – initially refusing due to the presence of an Irish Government representative – and now insisting on a review of the North Belfast Orange Order parade as a precondition. Outside of the talks Unionists have continued to perform for the anti-agreement gallery. In the Assembly they have refused to elect a new Speaker – breaching a previous agreement which indicated it would be the turn of the other community to fill the position. While, two weeks ago the DUP health minister branded residents of West Belfast (a Republican area): “six-foot tall men with skinhead haircuts, tattoos and earrings” who don’t obey the law. Last week Gregory Campbell MP MLA publicly mocked the Irish language, childishly imitating his Nationalist assembly colleagues by saying “curry my yogurt can coca coalyer” (an imitation of the Irish sentence “Go raibh maith agat, Ceann Comhairle” which translates as “Thank you, Speaker”). Such bigoted displays follow attacks from some within unionism on the Muslim community, and homophobic statements and positions such as blocking equal marriage. This is not what either community wants. The time has come to sought out the outstanding issues and get back to delivering for the people.
Sinn Fein will continue to seek agreement with all the other parties in the Assembly. However, the approach of David Cameron’s government has been to allow Unionism to block progress. Progressives in Britain need to change this. The course of the peace process has proven Unionists need a pro-active British government to push them over the line.
Outstanding elements of previous agreements – such as Acht na Gaeilge (Irish Language Act), a Bill of Rights and an independent inquiry into the murder of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane – need to come to fruition. And an agreement on Flags, Parades and the Past needs to be reached. The British government has the chance to become part of the solution, or it can continue to be part of the problem. As Martin McGuinness recently commented, “We’re not about keeping the bicycle upright, we’re about moving the bicycle forward.”
And ultimately, the left must support the progressive position of a united Ireland. This is, in the end, the only way to take forward the whole of the island, on the basis of equality, mutual respect and socially progressive policies which can offer alternatives to sectarianism, division and austerity. Sinn Fein is the party which is putting forward these proposals, as well as being the most vigorous supporters of the peace process.
For those interested in building this broad and vocal support for the spirit of Good Friday within Britain, Sinn Fein will be hosting a Public Event titled ‘Why we need to build support for the Good Friday Agreement’ on Tuesday 25 November, 7:30pm in the Boothroyd Room, Portcullis House, House of Commons, London SW1A OAA. The evening hopes to be a constructive dialogue on the current talks process and how to combat the Anti-Agreement-Axis. Confirmed speakers include Conor Murphy MP, Michelle Gildernew MP, the former Assembly Speaker Lord Alderdice, former British Minister Lord Alf Dubs, former British Minister Baroness Angela Smith & Jennie McShannon of ‘Irish In Britain’. We hope you can make it and join the discussion.
- Also, Francie Molloy MP will address a Public Meeting on the same subject in Liverpool, on Tuesday 9th December, 7.30pm, St Michaels Irish Centre. This meeting is hosted by Cairde na hEireann Liverpool.
