leargas 29th December

The Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle met to discuss the agreement reached at Stormont on Tuesday December 23rd.

Party President Gerry Adams TD writes that:

There was an informed discussion. The Ard Chomhairle recognised that progress has been made in defending the most vulnerable against the Tory welfare and budget cuts. It also recognised that progress has been made with regard to the issues of flags, the past and parading.
When Agreement was finally reached I acknowledged at the time that there was more to do at a community, political and national level to resolve these matters. Sinn Féin representatives have consistently recorded our concern that the governments have failed to deliver on their outstanding commitments including a Bill of Rights, Acht na Gaeilge, and an inquiry into the killing of Pat Finucane and other outstanding matters. The British government specifically refused to implement a number of outstanding commitments and the Irish Government representatives accepted this.
However, the recent talks also demonstrated that with the five main parties acting together, significant progress can be made to safeguard the most vulnerable and to rebuild the reputation of the political institutions.
The day before the talks concluded I penned a column for the Andersonstown News which I enclose for your interest below.

Agreement is possible
This column comes to you from the Castle at Stormont. Could it be a fifth column? Its Monday, it’s late and the talks are continuing. By the time you read this you will know if they have concluded and if an agreement has been achieved.
Sinn Féin’s objectives over the last three months of discussions have been to reach a deal that protects the most vulnerable in society, safeguards the rights and entitlements of citizens, delivers on outstanding agreements, grows the economy and enhances the working of the institutions.
It hasn’t been easy not least because the British government’s welfare reform agenda represents an attack on the welfare state and on the most vulnerable and the least able to pay in our society. Sinn Féin has been steadfast in our opposition to this agenda.
The contribution of the two governments has at times been very unhelpful. The British government in particular, far from seeking to engage constructively with parties, tried to present itself as some sort of independent broker. It then tried to impose its own view and predetermine the outcome of the discussions. It was not willing to engage in meaningful negotiations.
At the same time elements of the media were engaged in talking down the possibility of agreement. It’s almost as if some of our journalistic friends want the process to collapse. And some quickly got involved in the blame game – unsurprisingly targeting Sinn Féin.
They were joined in this by some of the political leaders in the Dáil who have very deliberately used the negotiations process as a platform to attack Sinn Féin. The leaders of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Labour have been especially vocal. To their shame they have put their own narrow electoral self-interest over the needs of the peace process. When Mr Cameron bluntly told me, in the Taoiseach’s presence, that he would not honour the Weston Park Agreement and hold an Enquiry into the killing of Human Rights lawyer Pat Finucane, the Taoiseach said nothing. Not a word.
Despite these shenanigans and the media fuelled pessimism Martin McGuinness and the Sinn Féin negotiating team were undaunted. We remained focussed, positively engaged and are working hard to secure a comprehensive agreement.
Toward the end of last week a concrete change in the dynamic within the negotiations saw progress made. Very specifically the five Executive parties agreed a set of proposals regarding the public finances that would enable the Executive to advance a reconciliation process and to invest in the economy. These proposals will require additional financial support and are now with the British Government.
The parties also agreed a range of welfare protections designed to safeguard the most vulnerable in our society, particularly those with disabilities. These protections are unique to the north of Ireland and would be paid for by the Executive. This ensures there would be no reductions in entitlement to benefits under the control of the Assembly.
The Executive will create a supplementary payment fund alongside a range of other measures, involving top-ups and the retention of a number of anti-poverty measures.
It has been estimated that the cost of this to the Executive would average £94 million per year – ranging from £54 million in the first year to £134 million in year four.
The outworking of these measures would mean that there would be no increase in the rate of people being disallowed disability benefits; that those receiving the Severe Disability Premium would remain protected; child additional rates for those with disabilities would also be protected.
Over the weekend Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson drove home the message to David Cameron that the British government is a participant in these negotiations and must contribute to a comprehensive agreement, not just in terms of the financial issues facing the Executive but also on the past and truth and justice for victims of the conflict.
Substantial work has also gone into discussions on the other key issues, including the implementation of outstanding issues from previous agreements including the Past, Parades and Flags, and reconciliation, including a stronger role for civic society.
The parties are continuing their work tonight to narrow down the issues and to move in the direction of a comprehensive agreement, which all the parties and the two governments can sign up to.
Progress has been made. Is it enough? At this point I can’t say. But I remain optimistic that an agreement can be reached. It may not resolve all of the outstanding issues but it can mark a step change in the peace process and would allow the political institutions to begin the New Year in a positive atmosphere and protect the most disadvantaged in our society from the worst excesses of the British Tory welfare agenda.
I am very mindful that this business of change- making is a process. It is painfully slow, incremental and at times frustrating. It is always challenging. But that should not daunt us. Whatever comes out of these talks the struggle for equality continues.
The need to be change-makers, to win Irish language rights alongside a Bill of Rights and other modest entitlements in a rights based, citizen centred society will make 2015 an interesting year.

Bliain Úr Faoi Mhaise Daoibhse.

Stormont Talks Latest Update

Below is an abridged version of Gerry Adams’s December 18 article on his blog leargas.blogspot.com

THe British government invariably likes to spin that its role is that of a facilitator – a neutral chair trying to persuade
the obstinate northern parties to see sense and agree a deal. There is a pattern to all of the negotiations that have taken place since the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. It’s almost like a complicated dance with some of the participants desperate to demonstrate how good they are at fancy footwork. But David Cameron is no Bruce Forsythe.
Au contraire. His government is a key participant and has the greater role to play. It claims jurisdiction over this part of the island of Ireland. Its political strategies and self-interest over the centuries created the conditions for conflict and division. Its armed forces were one of the combatant groups. Its Parliament passed a succession of repressive laws over three decades – often in breach of the European Convention on Human rights – to protect its forces from legal challenge and to control and contain the conflict. Its economic and political policies reinforced the institutional religious and political discrimination that was the hallmark of the unionist era.

A long list of broken commitments
Mindful of all of this, and of Britain’s colonial legacy, the Good Friday Agreement set out in clear terms the role of Britain while it still claims jurisdiction: “The power of the sovereign government with jurisdiction there shall be exercised with rigorous impartiality on behalf of all the people in the diversity of their identities and traditions and shall be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities…”
A fine sentiment which this British government has broken in both the spirit and the letter. The list of instances where these commitments have been reneged upon is long.
The British government’s obvious failure to honour its obligations is the single most important reason why the process is in such a mess at this time. It also partly explains why political unionism remains disconnected from and hostile to the powersharing institutions. Without a British government giving clear and unambiguous leadership and implementing commitments there is little incentive for political unionism to move in a consistent and progressive way.

Current attempt to move peace process forward
So, understanding why there is a crisis doesn’t require a lot of deep political analysis. It’s pretty obvious. This most recent endeavour to bridge the gaps began 10 weeks ago. Papers were written and presented by the political parties and largely ignored by the British and Irish governments.
Notwithstanding this Sinn Féin presented the governments with our own draft of their paper. It also was ignored.

Tory austerity policies have exacerbated crisis
On this occasion the political impasse is exacerbated by the impact of British government’s austerity policies which have taken on a greater significance than heretofore. Since 2011 £1.5 billion has been stripped out of the block grant which funds the north’s executive. In addition Mr Cameron seeks significant change to the welfare system that will hurt the most vulnerable citizens.
The ability of the five executive parties to defend front-line public services, including health and education, defend the poor, the disabled, the elderly and disadvantaged, and create jobs, has been significantly undermined as a result.
The impact of this is so grave that all of the parties, at the urging of Martin McGuinness, reached unanimity on the fiscal demands they would put to the British and Irish governments, including the size of the financial package that is required to enable the institutions to fulfil their mandate, defend citizens and allow for the political crisis in the political process to be dealt with.

Lack of genuine engagement was disgraceful
Last Thursday (December 11) David Cameron and Enda Kenny arrived amid the usual media fanfare to commence a negotiation which amounted to little more than a charade. They left within 24 hours. I wasn’t surprised. This was not a serious effort. I told Cameron and Kenny this during the negotiations. I described it as the “most amateurish ham-fisted episode I have ever been involved in”. I wasn’t joking. The approach of the British and Irish government was little short of disgraceful. It wasn’t a real engagement by them to reach a reasonable consensus or agreement. It was an exercise in bluster and political grandstanding, especially by the Brits.

Kenny turns his back on victims of collusion
Enda Kenny failed to defend the Good Friday and subsequent agreements or to press the British government on legacy issues, like the Dublin/Monaghan bombs and the Pat Finucane Inquiry. In addition, families, including the Ballymurphy families, who have campaigned for decades for the right to Article 2 compliance inquests are being frustrated by the British government. Under last year’s Haass proposals outstanding inquests were protected.
Under the proposal from the two governments the Ballymurphy Massacre and other similar disputed cases would be moved to the ‘Civil Inquisitorial’ section of the Historical Investigations Unit if their inquests have still not been completed. Given the delays in disclosure by the PSNI and British Ministry of Defence it is unlikely that many of these inquests will have concluded. The powers and remit of the ‘Civil Inquisitorial’ process are unclear and will be dependent on ‘national security’ concerns.

Governments’ role is crucial to reaching agreement
Cameron returned to London and Kenny to Dublin leaving the process in a worse state than when they came. Both leaders, despite being the architects of the talks debacle, have since tried to wash their hands of any responsibility for what occurred. With talks continuing this week the British Secretary of State for the North Theresa villiers has stuck to the script which blames the north’s parties for the impasse. This is not helpful. There has also been much talk in the media about the institutions collapsing. I don’t believe that any of the executive parties want this.
Martin McGuinness and our team of negotiators will work hard this week to find solutions. But achieving an agreement to make the institutions work and secure sufficient funding to protect citizens, public services and jobs has been made more difficult by the inappropriate actions last week of the government leaders. David Cameron and Enda Kenny must fulfil their obligations and honour their commitments.

Stormont Talks Latest Update

Below is an abridged version of Sinn Féin National Chairperson Declan Kearney’s analysis of the all-party talks published in An Phoblacht on 17 December

After nearly ten weeks of talks which at no stage became a real negotiation, the British and Irish government leaders arrived. That, and the tabling of their joint paper, could have heralded the start of a negotiation but this was never the plan.
Over three weeks ago, Sinn Féin said all the indications pointed towards the ground being prepared for a predetermined British document, with an Irish Government sign-off.
It was apparent for some time that a ‘take or leave it’ paper was potentially being drafted, the core of which would include the imposition of welfare cuts; increased austerity; fewer executive departments and fewer MLAs: as well as dilution of Haass; and no movement on outstanding issues from the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements.

Public confidence faltering
Sinn Féin told the Irish Government before An Taoiseach came that a potential moment of opportunity did exist and that a comprehensive talks outcome should not be squandered with a setback.
They were reminded that wider community and republican confidence in the political process had been undermined, and that national leadership was required from the Irish Government. Power-sharing, equality, the all-Ireland agenda, adherence to the Haass proposals, Acht na Gaeilge, Pat Finucane inquiry, and Maze/Long Kesh project were all set out as necessary and reasonable requirements – that is, they are already agreed.
These issues are a litmus test of the Irish Government’s determination to ensure the national and democratic position mandated in referendum advanced; the British sought primacy for its own and unionism’s agenda.
Instead, the paper signed off on by the Irish Government supported the latter. It went from being a partner in talks to becoming a cheerleader for austerity in the North and the rolling back of the Good Friday Agreement.
The Haass proposals last winter provided a road map for political stability. Had the British Government and unionism agreed then, we would have been able to tackle our economic challenges now from a better position. At that time, Sinn Féin compromised on all our positions regarding the past, parades, and identity and flags. So too did the SDLP and Alliance Party.

Governments walk away from Haass roadmap for resolution
The two governments’ paper takes unionist rejection of the Haass proposals and compliance with British Tory austerity as its starting point. Their paper is aimed at getting Sinn Féin to compromise again on the very compromises which the party made during the Haass talks as a means to encourage unionism to perhaps begin compromising!
Given this British administration’s track record, Cameron’s strategy was no surprise. Its focus is the Westminster elections, and trying to keep the DUP sweet.
However, it is a disgrace for any Irish Government to play fast and loose with the political process. The paper the Irish Government jointly authored has accepted the primacy of British national security interests over truth for Irish citizens. The rights of Irish citizens in the North have been fundamentally compromised by this Irish Government’s actions.
It has broken faith with the Good Friday, Weston Park, St Andrew’s and Hillsborough Castle agreements.
The politics of last Thursday/Friday were eerily reminiscent of the mid-1990s when the British Tories and Fine Gael were also in power.
This Irish Government has behaved with reckless indifference towards the fate of the political process in the North, and all because of selfish electoral interests in the 26 Counties.

Stormont Talks Latest Update

FOLLOWING the departure of British PM David Cameron and Taoiseach enda Kenny from talks on December 12, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD has accused Mr Kenny of signing up to a British Government agenda to obstruct efforts to get truth and justice for the victims of state violence and collusion.
Mr Adams asked the Taoiseach why he had signed up to a paper that it runs against the spirit and letter of the Good Friday and other Agreements.
Mr Adams said: “The Irish Government’s willingness to sign up to a joint government paper that doesn’t mention Acht na Gaeilge (an Irish Language Act) or a Bill of rights and which acquiesces to the British Government’s use of ‘national security’ to deny information for victims or to close down Article 2 compliant inquests, was deeply disappointing.
“Taoiseach, in your presence, the British Prime Minister told me that he would not be establishing an inquiry into the killing of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane, as he is obliged to under the Weston Park Agreement. You sat silently. Not one word.
“This Irish Government sees Sinn Féin only in terms of electoral competitors and not as partners in peace. This is a profound mistake.
“It has failed to stand up to the British Government as equals when it comes to this issue and to the implementation of the Good Friday and subsequent Agreements of which it is co-guarantor.”

Stormont Talks Latest Update

The current political and financial crisis facing the power sharing institutions has, in large part, been caused by the British government’s assault on the North’s block grant. Billions of pounds have been stripped from the executive’s budget over the last four years as the result of this austerity agenda by the British government.
The Irish Congress of Trades Unions has taken the Department of Finance figures and calculated that, since 2010, £3.6 billion cumulatively has been removed by the British from the North’s Block Grant. Today it is £1.1bn less in real terms than 2010.
The British government is fining the executive £5 million a month in response to Sinn Féin’s blocking of the introduction of the welfare cuts in the North. The executive has had to take out an emergency loan of £100m to continue delivering public services. Financial sustainability of public services has been pushed to breaking point. Structural weaknesses aside, there is not enough money to run the Six-County economy.

Cross-party consensus on need for financial package
The five Northern parties were unanimous in their call for a reasonable financial package. Sinn Féin negotiator and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness said: “The British government must accept their responsibilities and bring to the table the political will to resolve the problem which they played a major part in creating.
“That means they will have to deliver a new economic package for the North which undoes the damage caused by this assault on the block grant. There is a consensus among all the parties that this needs to happen if the current negotiations are to reach a successful outcome.”

British government claim of new £1 billion package false
Claims that over one billion pounds was available from the British government to the executive quickly evaporated under scrutiny. The £1 billion in spending power offer by the prime minister is largely a borrowing facility which the executive can already dip into. It is not new funds.
The British Government also offered to provide £10m per year for the proposed Historical Investigations Unit. But this new legacy unit will cost between £30m and £40m per year. This is only one of the institutions proposed to deal with legacy issues. Over five years the executive will be £100m worse off.
The British Government also proposed that the executive borrow £100m per year for the next five years to pay for public sector redundancies. This is money the executive would normally use to invest in health, education and other infrastructure projects, which would then not be available.
Rather than establish a realistic peace investment fund, as proposed by all the political parties, the British Government suggested that the executive establish this fund through the sale of its own assets with no contribution from the British Government.
The net effect of these proposals would be that the executive would be up to £100m worse off, public services would be decimated, and we would owe the British Government £500m over five years.

Sustainable finances must underpin political institutions
The Northern political process and institutions cannot work without unconditional commitment to power-sharing and partnership government. But political agreement presupposes sufficient funding exists to make the economy work in the form of a viable Block Grant, fiscal levers to generate revenue, and economic stimulus, not austerity.
The fact is that the executive requires a different economic and fiscal model to run the north which reflects the difficult circumstances that exist, including the fact that it is a society emerging from generations of conflict and political instability. Without that the political process will not work.

Stormont Talks Latest Update

Over the past ten weeks Sinn Féin has been engaged in all-party talks at Stormont aimed at achieving a comprehensive agreement on a number of issues that have contributed to a political impasse developing in the institutions. Entering the negotiations, it was clear that there were serious economic and political challenges facing the North. The financial challenge has arisen from the British government’s economic policies. The political challenge has arisen from the growth of an anti-agreement unionist axis which is not prepared to share power, and the refusal of the British government to meet its outstanding commitments under the Good Friday and other agreements.

Parties agree on financial proposals
Sinn Féin MLA Martin McGuinness said on December 19 that efforts to achieve a comprehensive agreement have so far been inconclusive, but that after ten weeks, the DUP has indicated a willingness to begin negotiating. Progress has been made on agreement among the five parties regarding the contribution the British government must bring to the table in terms of a credible and substantive financial package. Conditional on that being delivered by British Prime Minister David Cameron, the parties have also made progress on an enhanced welfare package, which will protect the most vulnerable in society and safeguard the welfare benefits that are under the executive’s control.
Mr McGuinness said: “Sinn Féin have engaged in the talks process in a positive and constructive manner to achieve a comprehensive agreement.
“Progress has been made and on December 19 the five parties agreed on a set of proposals regarding public finance that would enable the executive to use its powers to protect the most vulnerable, and to invest in building peace and reconciliation and welfare safeguards. These proposals require additional financial support from the British government.”

Several outstanding issues to be resolved
“There has yet to be agreement on the outstanding issues of identity, parades and the legacy of the past. A side deal between the British government and the unionists to set up a panel in response to a demand from the Orange Order to march through nationalist communities in North Belfast makes the achievement of an agreement more difficult.
“The two governments’ dilution of the Haass proposals on the past, particularly on the issue of victims and survivors, is a stumbling block.
“We are continuing to seek agreement on the implementation of outstanding issues from the Good Friday and other agreements including Acht na Gaeilge, a Bill of rights and the inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane.
“If the institutions are to maintain the support of the people, it’s clear we need to resolve both the financial situation and the outstanding matters.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin Spokesperson for the Diaspora Trevor Ó Clochartaigh has criticised the Government for paying lip service to Irish emigrants, as the Taoiseach confirmed today that he thinks voting rights ‘is a topic for the next government’. He made his statement at the Irish Embassy in Brussels, whilst speaking to youth emigrant organisation, ‘We’re Coming Back’.
Senator Ó Clochartaigh said:
“The Taoiseach’s comments are regrettable, but highlight his and the governments lack of commitment to Irish Emigrants and their rights. This copper fastens the concerns we had earlier this week when the Cabinet did not agree to schedule a referendum on these rights, as has been recommended by the Constitutional Convention. There is no reason that a referendum on voting rights for Irish citizens abroad could not be held on the same day as the other two referenda that are planned.
The government needs to step up to the mark on this issue. We will be keeping it on the political agenda through 2015 and calling on the Taoiseach and his cabinet colleagues for ‘a little less conversation and a little more action’ in this regard.
There is no point having a Minister for the Diaspora swanning around the globe raising the expectations of our emigrant community when his government, and particularly the Taoiseach, aren’t stepping up to the mark regarding their responsibilities in delivering on the needs of our citizens abroad.
My Seanad colleague Senator Kathryn Reilly has been engaging with ‘We’re Coming Back’ and our party fully support their calls for the extension of voting rights to emigrants. ‘We’re Coming Back’ is an emigrant organisation that campaigns for voting rights for Irish citizens abroad. I will continue to highlight the issue in my new role as Sinn Féin spokesperson for the Diaspora. We are also asking people to support their ‘Toast for a Vote’ campaign this weekend.
Our diaspora need and deserve our support and we must ensure that our government does whatever it can to provide those supports.”

Pictured: SF spokespersons for the Diaspora, Senator Trevor Ó Clochartaigh & Youth Affairs, Senator Kathryn Reilly supporting the ‘We’re Coming Home’ #toastforavote campaign.

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin spokesperson for the Diaspora, Senator Trevor Ó Clochartaigh has called on the Irish Government to do more to tackle inequalities being experienced by the Irish abroad.
Speaking after a meeting with Dr. Mary Tilki, Chair, and Jennie McShannon, CEO, of ‘Irish in Britain’ emigrants representative organisation, Ó Clochartaigh said:
“Our emigrants are facing significant challenges which must be addressed.
These were highlighted to me today by the ‘Irish in Britain’ organisation. They relate to health needs, people encountering cultural barriers as well as providing support to both new and older Irish emigrants and their social, health and economic issues.
The voices of emigrants need to be heard more clearly in the Irish political institutions. The voting rights of the diaspora and representation in the Dáil & Seanad are key issues for them which must be addressed in a meaningful way.
We also need to address challenges to Irish emigrants who wish to return home, particularly in relation to social welfare, housing and employment rights. We also need to support our people seeking to work in Britain and other countries so that practical issues around qualifications and working permits can be resolved.
We must ensure as well that organisations like ‘Irish in Britain’, which are providing vital support for our citizens abroad, are given the resources they need to be able to continue providing and developing the vital services they deliver.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Francie Molloy MP will be in Liverpool tonight to address a public meeting on the current state of the peace process and the ongoing talks.
The event entitled ‘Why we need to build support for the Good Friday Agreement’ will be held in St Michael’s Irish Centre at 7.30pm.
Mr Molloy said;
“This is the key week for the ongoing talks. With political will much progress can be made but everyone needs to engage fully and on all of the issues needing resolution.
There is a need for people in Britain and internationally to realise the political process in Ireland is under serious assault. This is a result of the coming together of an anti-Good Friday Agreement axis within political unionism, who are resisting progress on a range of matters, including those of parades, flags and dealing with the legacy of our past.
In our view, this refusal by unionism to deal with the big issues is being facilitated by the London government, from a partisan pro-unionist stance and their calculations around the balance of votes post-general election next year.
In addition to all of this, we have suffered swingeing cuts to the budget which the Assembly receives from London. The British government has also tried to impose vicious Tory welfare cuts on the people of the North which have been resisted by Sinn Féin.
These are all serious challenges to progress, and indeed to the survival of our political institutions.
So I believe my visit provides a useful opportunity to update key figures in politics and the Irish community on Merseyside on these issues and ask them to join the voices being raised in support of the Good Friday Agreement.”