Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP for Fermanagh South Tyrone has welcomed the agreement reached on the NI water dispute.
Speaking today Ms Gildernew said:
“I welcome the agreement that has been reached on the water dispute between unions and NI Water.
It will come as a relief I am sure to those who have been affected directly.
We must now strive to ensure that full derive is restored to all water supplies in the quickest possible time frame.”

Sinn Fein

Full text of Sinn Féin President and Louth TD Gerry Adams full remarks in the Dáil debate on the Stormont House Agreement below.
“Ceann Comhairle
Ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabhaíl le achan nduine a bhí páirteach sna comhchainteanna, go háirithe an tAire Flannagan agus an tAire Sherlock, na páirtithe uilig, an Seanadóir Gary Hart agus Consul General na Stát Aontaithe sa tuaisceart agus na daoine go háirithe fosta a lean ar aghaidh go stuama nuair a bhí cúrsaí deacair go leor agus ar deireadh a tháinig ar chomhréiteach ag an Nollaig.
I want to especially thank Martin McGuinness and the excellent team of experienced Sinn Féin negotiators who provided consistent, clear and unwavering leadership; who refused to be discouraged and who worked very hard to chart a positive path to a successful conclusion.
And Sinn Féin was very clearly about our objectives.
These were to agree a deal that would protect the most vulnerable in society, to safeguard the rights and entitlements of citizens, to deliver on outstanding agreements, to grow the economy, and to enhance the workings of the institutions.
The failure, principally by the Irish and British governments, to implement outstanding commitments; and the failure of our government to act as a co-equal guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and other agreement, as well the tensions between the Executive and the British government, most notably around British demands for welfare cuts which were blatantly supported by the Irish government; was the context of the latest crisis.
This Austerity policy is similar to the Irish governments and was actively endorsed by the Taoiseach.
Sinn Féin was steadfast in our opposition to this agenda.
The British government’s failure to honour its commitments made in the Good Friday and other agreements, such as an inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane, was another important factor in the crisis.
The London government’s refusal to back the Haass proposals to deal with the vexed issues of identity, parading and the legacy of past had only succeeded in emboldening unionist hostility to the power sharing arrangements.
And there is never any real incentive for political unionism to move forward in a consistent and progressive way if a British or an Irish government is not giving clear and unambiguous leadership and implementing commitments.
It took between 18 months and two years for Sinn Féin to persuade the two governments to be part of a talks process.
This included, a cathaoirleach, the failure by the Taoiseach to meet with myself and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness over the summer as the Taoiseach had promised as far back as last spring.
By the time the Taoiseach and British Prime Minister and the Tánaiste arrived in Belfast on December 11th there was no great optimism that progress could be achieved.
And the presentation by the two governments, by the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, of a deeply flawed paper on a take it or leave it basis, and the approach of both these principals during those talks, was amateurish and ham fisted.
And the departure of Mr. Cameron and Teachta Kenny 24 hours later led many to believe that the negotiations were over and that the political institutions were at real risk of collapsing.
The intervention amounted to little more than a charade.
It was not, in my humble opinion a serious endeavour.
The paper, from the Irish government and form Mr. Cameron sought to nationalise austerity with the Irish government supporting British Tory efforts to hurt the most vulnerable citizens in the north.
Ní raibh Acht na Gaeilge, ní raibh Bille Cearta luaite sa pháipéar sina chuir siad isteach sna cainteanna agus mar eolas don Teachta Martin beidh Acht na Gaeilge curtha amach ag an Aire Ní Chuillin roimh i bhfad agus tchífidh muid cad a tharlóidh ansin.
The Irish government also acquiesced to the British government’s use of ‘national security’ to deny information to victims and to the British demand to end the right of families of victims to an inquest in the coroners’ courts.
If this proposal had been accepted, and it was rejected forthrightly by Sinn Féin, this would have left victim families, including the Ballymurphy families whom the Taoiseach has met, and who have campaigned for decades for the right to Article 2 compliance inquests, with no access to the crucial inquest system.
And without consulting victims families and contrary to these victims families, the Government signed up to ending this system!
This was totally at odds with the Taoiseach’s promise in here to seek an all-party Oireachtas motion – which he has never brought forward – to support the Ballymurphy families.
Nor was there any guarantee in the paper tabled initially by the two governments that the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, again the subject of an all-party Oireachtas motion, whether this would be considered under the proposed ‘civil Inquisitorial’ process under the new Historical Investigations Unit.
So, on December 12th David Cameron returned to London and the Taoiseach returned to Dublin leaving the process in a worse state than it was in when they arrived.
The spin from the governments at that point was that over one billion pounds was available, this was the best deal possible and that quickly evaporated under scrutiny.
As one British journalist put it the British cheque book was ‘all stubs and no cheques. The £1 billion in spending power offered by the prime minister is largely a borrowing facility which the executive can already dip into.’
The Irish government tried to sell this as a gain for the Executive – as something we should be grateful for!
In fact when the two principals left a consensus was reached by the Executive parties, at the initiative of Martin McGuinness and under the leadership of Martin and Peter Robinson, to push for a real and meaningful negotiation.
Six days later and following lengthy discussions, many of them into the small hours of the morning, and at least one all-night session, an Agreement was achieved.
This reversed many of the proposals put by the two governments.
Proof of this can be got by parsing the first draft with the final agreed draft and I would ask anyone who has any doubts about what I’m saying to do that.
And the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Junior Minister may recall that the negotiation eventually only got on the right tracks when Martin McGuinness and I warned the two governments that their proposals were not sustainable.
Now the Taoiseach has made a habit of saying that Martin McGuinness was prepared to accept a lesser deal than I was.
He actually described my behaviour as ‘outrageous’.
I could take that as a backhanded compliment, but I don’t.
Because his assertion is totally untruthful.
Martin McGuinness is as committed to all of these issues as I am and he described your remark as stupid.
So why should a Taoiseach say such a thing?
If the Taoiseach put any thought into this remark it is obviously to distract attention from this government’s refusal to develop any strategy for engagement with the British as a co-equal guarantor of the Good Friday and other agreements.
In fact as someone who has dealt with every Irish government since Charlie Haughey’s time, including another Fine Gael government, this administration led by Mr. Kenny is the most deficient, inefficient and incompetent in dealing with the north.
I do not say that lightly. It is my considered opinion.
You Taoiseach see the north as a foreign country.
Rather than facing across the border and extending the hand of friendship to all the people of the north, you face away from the border and turn your back on the people there.
I ask you to reflect seriously on what I am saying and for you and your government to develop a strategy to fully implement the Good Friday and other agreements as you are obliged to do.
So what was the outcome of our ‘outrageous negotiation?’
The total value of the British government’s revised financial proposals amount now to almost £2 billion –double what was originally offered.
This includes £650 million of new and additional funding, including up to £500 million over 10 years of new capital to support shared and integrated education.
Crucially, Tánaiste, crucially there will be no reductions in welfare payments under the control of the Executive.
The new welfare protections are unique to the north and are in sharp contrast to the austerity-driven welfare system being rolled out in Britain or the austerity driven focus of the government in Dublin.
Anti-poverty measures will be funded. They will remain in place.
On the wider political issues significant progress was achieved.
I described this, and the two Ministers will recall this, as a defensive negotiation by Sinn Féin.
Defending what had been gained previously and what was being diluted as a result of the ongoing process.
The progress included:

The Parades Commission remains in place.
And these proposals are all in my view Haass proofed.
The Historical Investigations Unit will have the full co-operation of all relevant Irish authorities, including disclosure of information and documentation.
Important changes to the working arrangements of the Assembly and Executive were also agreed.
Of course, the Stormont House Agreement, like all previous agreements, is only as good as the determination on the part of those to implement it.
It is another key staging post in the peace process.
But the priority now needs to be on implementation.
Thus far the involvement of the two governments, in the term of this government, has been totally inadequate.
I have commended Minister Sherlock and Minister Flanagan.
It is still a matter of wonderment for me what the Tánaiste was doing there.
I still haven’t figured that out.
Of course you have the right to be there and I welcome you but I still haven’t figured your role because you said nothing in my presence during any of the talks we were in together.
I would urge the government to accept that the success and stability of the peace and political process in the north and the all-island institutions are bigger and more important than any short-sighted selfish electoral political agenda.
The north is generally raised here in this chamber by the other parties in a futile effort to score political points against Sinn Féin.
Some of the progress that has been made has been the subject of some ill-informed and indeed some untruthful comment, including by the Taoiseach earlier today, by the Tánaiste and by the leader of Fianna Fáil.
For example, there is a claim that the Agreement will see redundancies in the public sector.
Now this may have been the intention of the proposals put by the governments initially but let me be clear there will be no compulsory redundancies.
The Stormont House Agreement provides for a voluntary redundancy scheme for public sector workers who want it.
The scale of the take-up will be driven by public sector workers, balanced with the need to maintain public services.
We will not make the mistake that the government made here and allow any scheme to undermine public services in pursuit of savings.
Any scheme will be agreed in consultation with the Trade Unions and the Executive Ministers.
The peace process is the most important political project on this island at this time.
It needs to be nurtured, protected and enhanced.
It must remain, not regardless of all the priorities, but alongside all the other priorities, it must be at the top of the government’s agenda.
I welcome financial commitments, including €25 million annually for the A5 project; that will assist people in Tír Chonaill, as well as in Derry, Fermanagh and Tyrone.
I welcome additional funding for reconciliation and for EU Peace and Interreg programmes.
And the renewed commitment by the government to Narrow Water and the Ulster Canal projects.
These are important developments.
But we need to see delivery on them.
There is also action, outside of what happened at Stormont House, by the government on the extension of voting rights to citizens in the north in Presidential elections.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs in another capacity spoke at the Constitutional Convention in favour of that.
I think he was serious and genuine about that.
But the decision by the government not to proceed on this recommendation of the Constitutional Convention is deeply disappointing and let’s down many citizens in the north who are Irish citizens and who believe they should have a say in the election of the President of Ireland.
Finally let me say that the joint paper tabled by the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister is not the paper agreed in the absence of the British Prime Minister and the Taoiseach at Stormont House.
I very much welcome that.
What you were putting forward was not sustainable and was entirely inadequate and in breach of your own obligations under the Good FridayAgreement and I very much welcome the Stormont House Agreement.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy has said the failure of the British Ministry of Defence to track down three soldiers holding vital information about the killing of south Armagh man Harry Thornton in 1971 was another example of its determination to deny families of state violence truth and justice.
The Newry Armagh MP said:
“Harry Thornton, a 28-year-old married man from Crossmaglen, was shot dead by a British paratrooper while driving past the Springfield Road RUC barracks in west Belfast in August 1971.
Harry Thornton was an unarmed civilian and despite British army claims that two shots had been fired at them from the vehicle no weapons were found in the van.
An eyewitness stated they had seen Mr Thornton being shot in the throat by an British army marksman leaning out of a window above the barracks.
His passenger was dragged from the vehicle and brought to the barracks where he was severely beaten before being released without charge a few hours later.
The British government must be compelled to honour its obligations on dealing with the past. It has consistently denied truth and justice to relatives of victims of state violence.
In recent times, we have witnessed families being denied an inquiry into the Ballymurphy Massacre and the inaction of the PSNI to investigate the actions of the Military Reaction Force.
Families have called for a public inquiry into the deaths of 18 people at the hands of loyalists in Mid Ulster and into the PSNI refusal to co-operate with the Gerard Lawlor inquest.
The British government continues to refuse to honour its commitment to hold an inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane and documents have been destroyed relating to shoot-to-kill deaths just weeks before an inquest was due to begin. Now we have this failure to provide information at the inquest of Harry Thornton.
This is yet another example of cabinet ministers in London showing utter disregard for the families in favour of protecting their own interests. It also exposes once again the lie that the British state was not a key participant in the conflict.
It is clear the British Government fears the truth. Families such as the Thornton family have waited long enough for truth and justice. This latest obstruction by the British government adds to their ordeal. Sinn Féin will continue to support them and all families in their quest for truth and justice.”

By Catherine Seeley

First published via CatSeeley.WordPress, Wednesday 14 January 2015

A few months have passed since Upper Bann MLA, and SDLP Deputy Leader, Dolores Kelly’s bizarre, if not at all noteworthy, speech to the SDLP Party Conference. Yet I still find myself pondering a number of her ‘tactical’ visions for the SDLP over the next number of years.
They seem all the more relevant, after the SDLP’s refusal to endorse the recent Agreement at Stormont House.
It is somewhat dismaying that the SDLP Deputy Leader continues to display a growing disregard for the Good Friday Agreement. Is Dolores reflecting the view of the SDLP? She tells us that she is increasingly being told by party activists and supporters that the SDLP should move into opposition in the Assembly. Is that really the case, or is Dolores off on another solo run?
In the aftermath of Stormont House, it would seem that her boss, party leader Alasdair McDonnell, is in two minds.
It could be suggested that Dolores Kelly has been encouraging the SDLP to move in to the anti-Agreement axis, where others have already been engaged in attacking the peace process and political institutions for some time.
Our society needs political leadership and defence of these institutions; not a return to Unionist majority rule, not a return to British direct rule and not a situation where the GFA, and other recent agreements, are undermined by political parties for their own selfish reasons.
Mrs Kelly’s assertion at her party conference back in November that, “yes, we have POWER-SHARING but not as the SDLP originally envisioned it” speaks volumes.
She talked about a mind-set of “winning elections” and “cutting the current 2 parties out”, providing more and more evidence that her opposition to the GFA power-sharing institutions is in fact based on her own party’s interest and electoral performance. It is this same attitude that has stopped the SDLP endorsing the recent Agreement.
When the SDLP were the largest nationalist party, Dolores and her party colleagues were very happy with the GFA and power-sharing arrangements. But as we know, of course, a lot has changed. Sinn Féin now hold the joint First ministerial post and spearheaded the recent Stormont House negotiations.
Attacking the political institutions because you are not a minister in the executive, or because your party is no longer the main representative of nationalism, is not what the Good Friday Agreement and power-sharing are about. Nor is it what weeks of talks were about.
Cherry-picking the Stormont House Agreement, or attempting to ride two horses as an Executive party, pretending to be in opposition, is not Political Leadership.

Declan Kearney, Sinn Fein National Chairperson – An Phoblacht January Edition

Click here to read via PDF

Fine Gael and Labour leaders’ roles in negotiations were reckless, disgraceful and partisan

ON Monday 29 December, the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle met in Dublin to discuss the recommendation from the party’s negotiations team that the Stormont House Agreement concluded in Belfast on 23 December (“the Eve of Christmas Eve”, as the media called it) be ratified by the national leadership.
It was a very detailed discussion on the context to the talks and their outcome. Sinn Féin entered these talks some 12 weeks ago to reach a comprehensive agreement on the political and financial challenges arising from the continued undermining of previous commitments since the Good Friday Agreement and also this British Conservative government’s attempts to impose catastrophic cutbacks on social welfare for the most disadvantaged in the North.
The Agreement made very important progress with regard to protecting the most vulnerable and delivering additional investment to the regional Northern economy. Important headway was also made in relation to dealing with the legacy of the past conflict; contentious parades; and flags, symbols and cultural identity.
However, the Agreement reached fell short of being comprehensive because the British Government refused to meet its obligations to hold an inquiry into the killing of lawyer Pat Finucane, legislate for an Irish Language Act or a Bill of Rights, or address other outstanding commitments.
Disgracefully, the Irish Government supported British intransigence on these positions. It did so despite its co-equal responsibility for guaranteeing implementation of all previous agreements, and ignoring the advice of both Sinn Féin and the SDLP.
Instead of standing alongside Northern nationalists and republicans, the Irish Government allowed its annoyance and political opposition to the growth of Sinn Féin across the island to dictate its approach towards the talks since October and the negotiation itself, which finally began on 17 December.
The clear evidence of that was revealed when both British Prime Minister David Cameron and An Taoiseach Enda Kenny arrived in Belfast on Thursday 11 December. What occurred then was the worst form of car-crash diplomacy, with Cameron in the driving seat and Enda Kenny as his front-seat passenger.
After nearly ten weeks of talks, which at no stage had ever developed into real negotiations, the two leaders arrived to table a joint paper. Ironically, this could have potentially been the start of a negotiation but that was never the two governments’ intention.
Since late November, Sinn Féin had said all the indications pointed towards the ground being prepared for a predetermined British document with an Irish Government sign-off.
It was apparent for some time that a ‘take it or leave it’ paper was being drafted, the core of which would include the imposition of welfare cuts; increased austerity; fewer Executive departments and fewer MLAs; as well as dilution of Haass compromise proposals on the past, parades and cultural identity; and no movement on outstanding issues from the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements.
Sinn Féin told Irish Government Minister Seán Sherlock and his key officials immediately before An Taoiseach came that a potential moment of opportunity did exist and that a comprehensive talks outcome should not be squandered with a setback.
They were reminded that wider community and republican confidence in the political process had been undermined and that national leadership was required from the Irish Government. Power-sharing, equality, the all-Ireland agenda, adherence to the Haass proposals, Irish Language Act (Acht na Gaeilge), Pat Finucane inquiry, and Maze/Long Kesh project were all set out as necessary and reasonable requirements – that is, they are already agreed.
These issues were and have been a litmus test of the Irish Government’s determination to ensure the advance of national and democratic positions mandated in referendum: the British sought primacy for its own and unionism’s agenda.
The original joint paper on 11 December, agreed to by the Irish Government, supported the latter. By doing so it signed up to becoming a cheerleader for British Conservative austerity in the North and the rolling back of the Good Friday Agreement.
The Haass proposals last year offered a road map for political stability. Had the British Government and unionism agreed then, we would have been able to tackle our economic challenges from a better position. At that time, Sinn Féin compromised on all our positions regarding the past, parades, and identity and flags. So too did the SDLP and the Alliance Party.
One year on, the two governments’ paper decided that unionist rejection of the Haass proposals and compliance with British Conservative Party austerity policies should be its starting point.
Their paper was aimed at getting Sinn Féin to compromise again on the very compromises which the party had already made during the Haass talks as a means to encourage unionism to ‘perhaps’ begin compromising.
The two governments’ joint strategy was about trying to jump-start a phony negotiation, in reverse gear. It did not work. So David Cameron walked out and went home on Friday 12 December.
Given this British administration’s track record, that type of stroke was no surprise. Its focus is the Westminster elections this May and trying to keep the Democratic Unionist Party sweet.
But it was a disgrace for any Irish Government to play fast and loose with the political process.
The united position which the Irish Government adopted with the British meant it turned away from its commitments to the Barron Inquiry requirements on the Monaghan and Dublin bombings, the Pat Finucane inquiry, and the Ballymurphy Massacre independent panel.
That paper – which the Irish Government jointly authored – accepted the primacy of British national security interests over truth for Irish citizens.
The politics of this period have been eerily similar to the mid-1990s when the British Conservatives and Fine Gael were also in power.
Only when Sinn Féin said categorically that the mid-December joint paper was totally unacceptable, and a realisation dawned that the political situation had been made worse by the two governments’ actions, did a real negotiation commence on Wednesday 17 December.
The Irish Government was complicit in drafting a paper which represented a setback for Irish national and democratic interests, fundamentally compromising the rights of Irish citizens in the North, and breaking faith with the integrity of the Good Friday, Weston Park, St Andrew’s and Hillsborough Castle Agreements. It effectively sought to nationalise austerity by supporting the British Conservatives’ efforts to hurt the most weak and vulnerable in the North.
That is the context against which Sinn Féin and others had to negotiate.
Having been previously passive and semi-detached towards the North, this Fine Gael and Irish Labour Party coalition government’s new-found focus showed a reckless indifference towards the fate of the political process, and all because of their selfish electoral interests in the 26 Counties.
That narrow electoral agenda continued to dictate its approach to the negotiations which took place between Wednesday 17 December and Tuesday 22 December.
Sinn Féin negotiated hard to stop the exclusion by the British – with Irish Government acquiescence – of fundamental positions in the final “Heads of Agreement”, including issues such as coroners’ courts, so important to families seeking truth and justice for their loved ones.
As a consequence of Sinn Féin’s work, supported by the SDLP, the Haass compromise proposals opposed last year by unionists and the British will now be implemented.
The Parades Commission will continue.
British national security interests will not be allowed to put a dead hand over the quest for truth and justice.
Coroners’ courts will be protected. No welfare benefits under the control of the North’s Executive will be reduced. A Civic Forum will be established. Reforms to the political institutions will be introduced.
Progress on securing the Pat Finucane inquiry, the Irish Language Act, the Bill of Rights, and other outstanding matters could have been made had the Irish Government done the right thing and stood up for Irish national and democratic interests.
These issues and other campaigns must now be taken forward with renewed momentum by all strands of national, democratic and progressive opinion, and by Irish America.
The success and stability of peace and political processes in the North are paramount. They are bigger than the Irish Government, individual parties, or any narrow political agendas. They should never be subjugated to electoral self-interest. It is an absolute, national disgrace that this particular Irish Government chose to do just that.
The last period of political instability has confirmed what Sinn Féin warned about for years – that the Peace Process must not be taken for granted. No Irish government should ever be let play partisan politics with the Peace Process again.
What has happened underscores the importance of harnessing the increased European Parliament influence, which it has offered; and a more intensive engagement in the process by the British Labour Party.
A continued involvement by the United States administration remains vital. The political expertise of Senator Gary Hart (Secretary of State John Kerry’s appointed envoy) was not utilised in this negotiation by the two governments. There is an essential role now for him to encourage full compliance with the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement. If all sides are prepared to embrace the potential contained within the Agreement, including both governments, it can serve as a road map for restoring political stability to the democratic process and political institutions in the North. It will assist in remodeling the regional economy whilst protecting the most vulnerable. This Agreement, if implemented, can also be a catalyst for encouraging greater participation in democratic politics, opening a new phase of the Peace Process, and the emergence of authentic reconciliation at last.

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD writing in his weekly blog which is published today in the Andersonstown News accuses the Irish government of adopting a “short-sighted selfish electoral political agenda. They took on the role of junior partner and allowed the British government to set the agenda and the pace of negotiations and sat passively as the British tried to dictate the outcome.”
Gerry Adams described the Irish government’s tabling of a joint government paper that excluded a Bill of Rights and Acht na Gaeilge and talked only of ‘language strategies’ as disgraceful. And he accused it of acquiescing “to the British government’s use of ‘national security’ to deny information to victims and to the British demand to end the right of families of victims to an inquest in the coroners’ courts.
Nor was there any guarantee in the paper tabled by the two governments that the Dublin and Monaghan bombings would be considered under their proposed new ‘civil Inquisitorial’ process under the new Historical Investigations Unit. By refusing to accept these proposals Sinn Féin succeeded in forging an agreement with the other p[arties that is stronger than the one produced by the two governments.”

The Full text of Mr. Adams blog:

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin national chairperson Declan Kearney said today positive leadership is needed from all political parties in the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement. Declan Kearney made his comments at a meeting of party activists today.
Mr Kearney said:
“The Agreement made very important progress in protecting the most vulnerable in society while important headway was also made in dealing with the legacy of the conflict; contentious parades; and flags, symbols and cultural identity.
That is why the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle ratified the agreement over Christmas.
This agreement, if implemented, can be a catalyst for opening up a new phase of the peace and political processes.
Decisive and positive leadership is now needed from all political parties to ensure the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement.
The political institutions must deliver and be seen to deliver for our community.
The unity of purpose among the five Executive parties on the need to defend public services, and the most vulnerable, against the British government austerity agenda, delivered an improved financial package.
This unity of purpose needs to be maintained if we are to deliver real improvements and oppose the Tory assault on public services.
This is not the time for petty party politicking or point-scoring. There is a clear responsibility on all parties to make power sharing and partnership government work.
Cross-party leadership is required to harness the real opportunity which exists to take forward the huge priority of developing reconciliation in our society. That is what our people want.
There needs to a collective and collaborative approach to the urgent implementation of this agreement. There needs to be a new start.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin Spokesperson on the Diaspora Trevor Ó Clochartaigh has urged the Government to take heed of the recommendations as laid out in the Constitutional Convention and hold a referendum on voting rights in Presidential elections for the Irish abroad.
Ó Clochartaigh has said that the extension of voting rights would strengthen ties with the Irish Diaspora in the most meaningful way. His comments coincide with a three day meeting of Irish Ambassadors in Dublin which commences today.
Ó Clochartaigh said;
“With senior diplomats gathering to discuss the theme of ‘representing the global island’, it seems an opportune time to highlight the need of Irish people living overseas to be represented when it comes to elections in their native country.
With more than 120 countries having provision to allow non-resident citizens to cast their vote, it is time that Ireland started showing similar regard for our Diaspora. This is particularly pertinent as so many Irish have left because of economic circumstances and maintain very close links with their country. These people deserve a say in the future of Ireland.
Sinn Féin has long advocated for voting rights of Irish abroad in Presidential elections as well as extending it to elections in the Dáil and Seanad. It is not enough for the Government to call on the Diaspora for support of events such as the Gathering and 1916 Commemorations. What would foster true inclusion would be to extend our voting rights to the Irish who are now residing in countries all over the world.
Irish ambassadors are recognised for their services in fostering links with Irish citizens at home and abroad. By holding a referendum to allow the extension of voting rights to non-resident Irish, the government have an opportunity to further strengthen ties with the Diaspora, and offer meaningful engagement with citizens who are living across the globe.”