Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy has said it’s time the British government started playing a constructive role in the political talks rather than acting like a hurler on the ditch.
Conor Murphy said:
“We have seen precious little from the British government in terms of genuine engagement in this process so far.
The British government is not a neutral observer in this process. It is a key player and needs to contribute significantly and materially to finding a resolution to many of the issues causing instability in the political process.
The huge budgetary problems faced by the parties here have been caused by the austerity policies of David Cameron’s Tory-led government.
Their year-on-year cuts to the Executive’s block grant have increased poverty and are having a hugely negative impact on the Executive’s stability and its capacity to deliver frontline public services.
If David Cameron is to play a constructive role in this process then he needs to deal with the major financial difficulties caused by his government’s assault on the Executive’s finances.
The British government could also immediately honour its outstanding commitments from the Good Friday and other agreements. This includes Acht na Gaeilge, an independent inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane and a Bill of Rights.
We have seen little compromise or movement from the British government so far in this negotiation.
If we are to deal with the legacy of the conflict, division and segregation then the British government has to be the major contributor to a Peace Investment Fund, with support from the Irish government, the European Union and the United States.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MLA Martin McGuinness has said that British prime minister David Cameron will need to face up to his responsibilities if progress is to be made in the current round of all-party talks being held at Stormont.
The Deputy First Minister was speaking following today’s meeting of the North South Ministerial Council in Armagh.
Martin McGuinness said:
“I welcome the fact David Cameron will be in Belfast next week with An Taoiseach Enda Kenny to play their part in the talks as co-equal guarantors of the Good Friday and other agreements.
Sinn Féin has approached the recent talks in a positive and constructive frame of mind but the huge budgetary problems faced by the parties here have been caused by the austerity policies of David Cameron’s Tory-led government.
Their year-on-year cuts to the Executive’s block grant have increased poverty and are having a hugely negative impact on the Executive’s stability and its capacity to deliver frontline public services.
If David Cameron is to play a constructive role in this process then he needs to deal with the major financial difficulties his government have caused.
In any negotiation there needs to be compromise and movement on all sides but so far we have seen nothing from the British government. David Cameron is not a neutral observer in this process, he is a key player and needs to contribute significantly and materially to finding a resolution to many of these issues.
He needs to signal that his government is prepared to honour its outstanding commitments to the Good Friday and other agreements.
And if we are to deal with the legacy of the conflict, division and segregation then the British government has to be the major contributor to a Peace Investment Fund.”

By deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness MLA in December News Bulletin

Sinn Féin MLA Martin McGuinness has said there is an opportunity to achieve the largest representation ever for progressive pro-agreement parties in the next Westminster and Assembly elections. Mr McGuinness said: ‘For the past two years the political process has been challenged by those who are attempting to turn the clock back.

‘There is a need to send out a clear message of support for progressive politics, the Good Friday Agreement and genuine power sharing and partnership government.

‘With an imaginative approach we could maximise representation of progressive Pro Agreement parties at the next Westminster and Assembly elections and in the process challenge the negative agenda of the anti-agreement unionist axis.

‘I am calling therefore on the SDLP to withdraw their candidates in Fermanagh/South Tyrone, Upper Bann and North Belfast with the objective of delivering electable pro-Agreement candidates. If the SDLP choose to stand in these constituencies they risk handing these seats to anti-agreement unionists.

‘This would be a setback for the political process in the North. It would also add further momentum to the British government’s shift towards increasingly partisan support for negative unionism and provide allies and support for a future Tory assault on public services.

‘In response Sinn Féin is prepared to withdraw candidates in other constituencies to reciprocate this move from the SDLP. This would clearly assist in the election of progressive proagreement candidates.’

By Martina Anderson MEP in December News Bulletin

Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson has welcomed a European Parliament resolution supporting the peace process and urging further progress. Speaking after the resolution was passed at the European Parliament’s November plenary session, Ms Anderson said: ‘The passing of this resolution is yet another welcome indication of European support for our peace and political processes.

‘It urges all parties to the process to work constructively towards a lasting resolution of the conflict and the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements.

‘For many years the EU has been a source of support for the Irish peace process whether through the Barosso Taskforce, Peace funding, or the support from Commissioners Wulf-Mathies, Hubner and now Cretu.

‘This resolution is the result of meaningful cooperation between MEPs from six political groups in the European Parliament.

‘I also welcome the visit of the unionist leaders to the European Parliament and take it as a sign of their willingness to engage constructively.

‘The spirit of constructive dialogue involved in drafting and agreeing this resolution needs to be reflected at home by all parties in the talks and by the British and Irish governments.’

By Conor Murphy MP in December News Bulletin

This time last year, the political parties in the north of Ireland were engaged in a serious round of talks under the auspices of US diplomats Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan.

The talks were aimed at resolving the difficult issues of parades, identity and dealing with the past. Republicans and others embraced the compromise Haass proposals but they were ultimately rejected by the unionist parties, and failed to get support from the British government. This was a lost opportunity. It also reflected a growing reality that the main unionist parties were not prepared to work positively to take forward the political process.

One year later, we are here again, back in talks, aimed at breaking out of the current destructive impasse. Sinn Féin entered these latest talks in a positive and constructive fashion. We have done this despite the failure of unionism and the British government to back Haass and the unionist walkout from all-party talks earlier this year over their demand for an Orange Order parade to be pushed through a nationalist community.

Sinn Féin remains fully committed to the peace process, to the Good Friday and other agreements and the political institutions, including the North South bodies. However, over the past two years we have faced a negative anti-Agreement unionist axis, which is attempting to turn the clock back. Programme for Government commitments have been reneged on, public agreements have been set aside and positive proposals blocked.

The difficulties in the political process have been accentuated by the British government acting in a partisan fashion pandering to the negative unionist agenda. They failed to back Haass, they have failed to honour commitments and agreements, they have obstructed investigations into state and state sponsored killings and have tried to appease the most anti-Agreement elements of unionism including the Orange Order.

The problems in the Executive have been further exacerbated by the British government’s savage year-on-year reductions to the block grant damaging the Executive’s ability to finance core public services. On top of this the British Tories are trying to impose vicious welfare cuts which would hit the most vulnerable people in society, the low paid, people with disabilities and people on benefits. It is Sinn Féin’s view that the Executive parties need to speak with a single voice on these issues, which affect our people right across our communities. We need to stand together in bringing our case on the impact of the Tory cuts to the block grant to David Cameron and his cabinet of millionaires.

So clearly the British government is a major part of the problem, it is not a neutral broker. If we are to make progress however, the British government needs to become part of the solution. The talks process requires the British government to meet the outstanding commitments it made in the Good Friday and other agreements. It requires the Irish government to live up to its responsibilities as co-equal guarantors of the agreements and we welcome the continued support of the US administration in sending former Senator Gary Harte over as an envoy to assist the process.

The positive steps forward as a result of the peace process are much too important to be held to ransom by a negative anti-Agreement axis. It’s important that progressive proagreement voices in Britain, who care about and support the peace and political processes, makes themselves heard and applies positive pressure on the British government to honour its commitments.

By Michelle Gildernew MP in December News Bulletin

At the end of November I chaired a public meeting in Westminster, hosted by Sinn Féin, with a wide range of speakers all expressing concern over the current growing crisis in the political process. Against the background of a lack of progress in the current talks – explored by Declan Kearney and others elsewhere in this bulletin – we felt it was necessary to begin a more visible and vocal discussion with those who want to build support for and defend the principles of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA).

The fact that we had a packed room for the meeting underlines how people in Britain, in the political parties, in the Diaspora more broadly and in progressive organisations such as the trades unions, share those concerns. My party colleague Conor Murphy MP set out Sinn Féin’s assessment around the current stagnation – the assertion of an anti-agreement axis aimed at blocking political progress. He reiterated Sinn Féin’s position, that the British government was failing to live up to its responsibilities in relation to the Agreement, and was playing partisan and party politics with the peace process.

Joining him on the platform were a number of political representatives who had each played a key role in the development of the GFA. Baroness Angela Smith, a former Labour Minister for the North, spoke strongly of how hard fought for the Agreement was and the huge mandate it had won in the referenda. She said the current government ‘failed to get’ what was necessary in building and progressing the process. Previous governments had persevered, ‘stayed and talked to people’ but she failed to see that kind of commitment from the current government.

Former Assembly Speaker and current Lib Dem peer, Lord John Alderdice, expressed frustration at the current impasse and discussed how a ‘historic relationship of this kind has to be worked at’, focusing on the fundamental principles of parity of esteem. Along with Lord Dubs, he warned of the dangers of collapsing the political institutions, and that doing so would not simple mean a return to direct Westminster rule, but a more joint approach, between London and Dublin. Pointing to the upcoming Westminster election, he said those in civic society with concern ‘should not wait until May’ but that it was vital to ‘engage communities as a whole on how we build a fair community for everyone’.

Jennie McShannon, of Irish in Britain, reiterated her organisations commitment to the GFA, and that of the All-Party Group on Irish in Britain. She said the Irish community in Britain were hugely invested in the peace process, which had ‘completely changed’ their experiences. She shared concerns at the current stagnation and pointed to the dangers ‘of treating the north like a region, rather than something specific’. She also pointed to concerns at the impact on social cohesion of economic cuts and the impact of the welfare reform agenda, which had already had a devastating effect within Britain on the Irish community and others. She underlined the need to address the specific needs and concerns of women and to ensure a ‘gender strand’ in a post-conflict situation.

Lord Alf Dubs drew attention to the lack of media attention and therefore awareness of the current situation. Echoing Angela Smith’s points, he said the ‘none of us want 15 years of progress to be thrown away.’ He drew attention to the need to back the basis of the Haass proposals, and criticised the government for failing to do so, just under a year ago.

After a lively discussion from the audience, the meeting proved an important first step in ensuring that the pro-Agreement majority began to step up its activity in order to put some pressure on in the run up to the Westminster election in particular. As the current talks approach their end, with little prospect of a change in direction from the unionist leaderships or the British government, that pressure and support for the Agreement becomes even more important. And in the coming weeks and months post-Christmas break, Sinn Féin MPs will be in London and other cities in England, Scotland and Wales, to make the case and to work with others to ensure that the progress we all support is not held back.

By Declan Kearney in December News Bulletin

In recent weeks British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers has issued
several statements positively ‘pumping up’ the Stormont talks. But just last week she introduced a sudden caution, suggesting ‘the chances of clinching a final deal look slim’.

At no time during the last seven weeks has either a credible process, or any political momentum been introduced to these talks. It neither been a talks or negotiation process. Inertia has been the hallmark throughout. That stems from the British and Irish governments’ detachment from the political process. The result has been negative mismanagement by the British and passivity from the Irish.

The absence of ‘process’ has been substituted by the circulation of papers by NIO officials presuming points of consensus upon issues which are entirely based upon their own assertion, rather than inter-party agreement. This piecemeal, tactical approach suggests the ground is being prepared for a predetermined British paper with Irish government sign-off. The British have taken the lead as a facilitator, not a participant. The Irish government has accepted a junior, not co-equal role.

All this sits in the frame of elections. Speculation has intensified about a hung parliament in Britain after the general election. The UKIP surge, and potential eclipse of Labour in Scotland by the SNP play into that. In the 26 counties the current coalition is in serious trouble, and now deals with everything from water charges, child abuse, budgets, to the north, through the filter of electoral politics.

A comprehensive deal to resolve all outstanding and new issues relating to the peace and political processes will not be encouraged if that has the potential to further enhance Sinn Féin’s electoral rise and continued political realignment in the south. The elements in the mix of proposals, as Villiers and Charlie Flanagan make their progress reports, are increased austerity and reduced government in the north; avoidance of the all-Ireland agenda; dilution of Haass; and capitulation to the DUP/extremist unionist/Orange demand for an inquiry on Ardoyne.

A pre-Christmas report might be produced on a ‘take it or leave it’ basis, and, or the talks stagger into the new-year so that disagreement, and potential collapse of the institutions allows for Assembly and Westminster elections on the same day. Villiers’ statement may be conditioning opinion in advance.

This much is clear; the potential for success in the Stormont talks is now competing with the political and electoral interdependency between the British Conservatives and DUP: and a failure, thus far, to fully assert the primacy of the Good Friday Agreement by, and electoral self-interest of, Irish Government parties.

The onus is on Pro-Agreement and democratic opinion across Ireland and internationally to exert maximum pressure and ensure a comprehensive, successful talks’ outcome.

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Pat Doherty is in Scotland for two days of briefings on the current state of play in the political process and the ongoing multi-party talks.
Speaking from Edinburgh, the West Tyrone MP said:
“I have had a series of useful meetings in Glasgow with individuals in civic society and the Irish community in Scotland, and with political representatives in the Scottish Parliament.
I believe there is a need for people in Scotland to be informed about the state of the political process in Ireland.
The process is faced with a serious threat posed by an anti-Good Friday Agreement axis within political unionism, intent on resisting progress on a range of matters, including those of parades, flags and dealing with the legacy of our past.”

Mr Doherty continued:
“In our view, this refusal by unionism to deal with the big issues is being facilitated by the London government. They are doing this from both their own pro-unionist position and their calculations that they may need unionist support to maintain the balance of power post next year’s general election.
In addition to all of this, we have suffered swingeing cuts to the budget which the Executive receives from London and demands by the British government to implement vicious welfare cutsl, which Sinn Féin is continuing to block in the interests of the vulnerable in our society.
All of these factors present serious challenges to progress, and indeed to the very survival of our political institutions.
Therefore I believe my visit has provided a useful opportunity to update key figures in Scotland on these issues, and ask them to join the growing number of voices being raised in support of the Good Friday Agreement”.

John Hedges – An Phoblacht News – 1st December

Gregory Campbell’s ‘curry my yoghurt’ insults – the new language of the old DUP threatens all-party progress

GREGORY CAMPBELL’S calculated insults to the Irish language in the Assembly and outright opposition at the Democratic Unionist Party’s annual conference to an Irish Language Act are symptomatic of the DUP’s current attitude to the Good Friday Agreement and the Peace Process.

The East Derry MP’s ‘warm-up’ speech for party leader Peter Robinson at the DUP conference in November included the unambiguous declaration (to applause from activists and nods and smiles from the DUP leadership):
“On behalf of our party let me say clearly – and slowly so that Caitríona Ruane and Gerry Adams understand – we will never agree to an Irish Language Act at Stormont and we will treat their entire wish list as no more than toilet paper. They better get used to it.”

Despite holding the position of First Minister, DUP leader Peter Robinson brushed criticism aside, describing it as a bit of “comedy”. When BBC TV’s Mark Carruthers pressed him on how nationalists might view Gregory Campbell’s speech, the First Minister snapped on camera that he would walk out of the interview if this line was pursued any further.

Commentator Jude Collins blogged afterwards:
“Imagine if Sinn Féin’s annual conference had featured a speaker talking about using unionist concerns as toilet paper.
Imagine a Sinn Féin conference where a speaker mocked the Ulster-Scots dialect.
And then imagine Gerry Adams coming on and saying it was just a light-hearted speech, to loosen up or he was off?
I suggest the airwaves and the print columns would be bursting with indignation and anger at such a stance.”

They were not. His senior MP’s comments were not disowned by First Minister Peter Robinson either.

Alex Kane, former Director of Communications for the Ulster Unionist Party, wrote in the unionist News Letter under the headline: “Hardline Gregory Campbell is now the authentic voice of the DUP
That’s the language of the old DUP. And we better get used to it.”

Sinn Féin MLA John O’Dowd said Campbell is giving “two fingers” to people and the Assembly.
“Gregory Campbell is clearly dismissing the hopes, aspirations and negotiating rights of almost one half of our people in these talks,” the Upper Bann MLA said.
“DUP leader Peter Robinson needs to clarify was Gregory Campbell representing the DUP’s position as a whole as that calls into question the integrity and commitment of the DUP’s approach to the all-party talks.”

Gregory Campbell’s showboating reflects a worrying and dangerous attitude by mainstream unionism to parity of esteem, the Good Friday Agreement and all the other international agreements – agreements made by unionists with nationalists under the auspices of the British and Irish governments and the United States.
The intransigence of the DUP has been tacitly encouraged and nurtured by the Conservative-dominated government in London.
As a consequence, republicans have no confidence in the commitment of the British Government to the political process.
The DUP has been dictating the Secretary of State’s and the NIO’s approach.
DUP leader Peter Robinson has set down preconditions in the form of welfare cuts, parades and the role of the Irish Government.

The DUP has been emboldened by two elements: its new allies in the Ulster Unionist Party and the rejectionist Traditional Unionist Voice, UKIP, the unelected Orange Order and the paramilitary UDA and UVF (of which the UVF is acknowledged by the police to be particularly active); and by the patronage of the British Government despite unionists flouting the democratic and peace processes.

The DUP’s endorsement of the Union flags protests that saw attacks on the police, Alliance Party offices and nationalist residents in Short Strand was no impediment to it being granted a special audience with British Prime Minister David Cameron at 10 Downing Street at an exclusive drinks party for its MPs in May on the night that Gerry Adams was arrested.

East Antrim MP Sammy Wilson openly boasted to the media that his party was being “courted, tested and probed” on their attitude to supporting David Cameron’s Tories after next May’s general election or if the current coalition government collapsed before then.

Secretary of State Villiers told the Ulster Unionist Party conference in October that the Irish Government will play little role in the political settlement of the North.

Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy immediately corrected the Secretary of State, telling her that her statement “runs contrary to the Good Friday Agreement”. He added:
“The Irish Government is a key player and signatory to the Agreement on a par with the British Government.”

It is imperative that the Irish Government and the US administration don’t just stand by the international agreements such as the Good Friday Agreement and St Andrews but robustly speak up and defend them at every opportunity.

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Conor Murphy said today the British government needs to hear a united voice from every section of local society against Tory cuts.
Conor Murphy said:
“Cuts announced to Executive budgets over recent days are but a sign of things to come as a result of the cuts agenda of the Tory-led government at Westminster.
The Executive and all political parties have a particular role and responsibility to challenge this.
As a society as a whole we need to stand up together on this.
Trades unions, business, community and voluntary sectors, rural and urban, churches and charities, campaign groups and citizens have all criticised this cuts agenda because of the devastating impact it is having on every section of society including the most vulnerable in our community.
We should be under no illusion where these cuts are emanating from. These cuts were conceived and actioned by a right-wing millionaire cabinet in London.
They are a direct result of the British government’s sustained year-on-year attack on the block grant and they are seriously damaging the Executive’s ability to deliver core frontline public services.
The peace and political processes are inextricably bound up with the Executive’s capacity to bring about change. Those processes must be protected.
London needs to hear a single message from every section of our society on this issue.”