By Conor Murphy MP

First published via Slugger O’Toole, Thursday 25 September 2014

In the aftermath of the Scottish referendum, Sinn Fein have renewed their push for a border poll here. The party’s MP for Newry and Armagh, Conor Muprhy writes for Slugger making the case for holding a poll and Irish unity.

On the 18th of September the people of Scotland exercised their democratic voice on the future of the Scottish Nation. Throughout the referendum the people of Scotland engaged in an informed and respectful debate and they have now made their choice. The Scottish referendum and subsequent decision demonstrates that the people are sovereign and that change is possible.
The turnout in the referendum in Scotland demonstrated the power of engagement and democracy.
The British Prime Minister David Cameron has promised that powers to be transferred to Scotland would also be extended to the Stormont Executive. We need to ensure that this promise is delivered.
Sixteen years ago the Good Friday Agreement was endorsed by the vast majority of people on this island. The Agreement delivered power-sharing institutions and interdependent all-Ireland structures putting the principle of equality at the heart of politics. The Agreement provides the ground rules for peaceful and democratic constitutional change through concurrent Border Polls north and south.
Irish unity is now achievable through peaceful and democratic means now in the ownership of the people north and south free from external interference. The days of Maggie Thatcher’s ‘Out, Out, Out’ and Ian Paisley’s ‘Never, Never, Never, Never’ are over.
The British Government and Political Unionist veto on change is now gone. Those in favour of the status quo must prove the case to retain partition.
The challenge has been put to republicans to outline the detail of what a unified state would look like, how it would operate and even what flag would be flown.
The starting point for the debate is whether Irish unity or continued partition makes sense in the 21st century. Is the interest of the people best served by a truly national and representative democracy or continuing as a peripheral issue in Westminster?
The next question, if Irish unity is agreed is the type of Ireland the people want.
The type of nation building and island wide reconciliation that Sinn Féin is working towards is not about grafting the north onto the current political, cultural and economic status quo of the south.
Nor are we interested in simple majorities in which the winner takes all. We are seeking new, agreed and united Ireland not just for republicans but for all of us who share this island.
We want to build a just, fair and equal Ireland. An economically, socially and culturally diverse Ireland. The Border Poll is only one step within the process of nation building and reconciliation.
Following agreement on constitutional change there would be a process of constitutional discussion and transition. The process of national reconciliation would of course parallel and extend beyond all of this.

Identity, Flag and Emblems

The Good Friday Agreement makes clear that regardless of outcome of a Border Poll there will be;
‘full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities’
This binding commitment must shape and inform the debate on building an inclusive united Ireland. Symbols and emblems must reflect our society and diverse identities.
Many aspects of constitutional and political change will need to be discussed and agreed. This process will represent challenges to all sections of the community including republicans.
We want to build an inclusive unified Ireland that can claim the allegiance of all and exclude none.

United Ireland Economy

Let’s be clear, simply maintaining the status quo in the form of two separate competing economies on a tiny island will not deliver prosperity for the people of this island.
There are no advantages for an island nation of 6.4 million people on the edge of Europe having separate tax regimes, regulatory and legal systems, disparate economic development agencies and programmes, divergent and competing investment strategies and economic policies. Harmonised policies, laws and structures across the island is central to creating a fully integrated and healthy economy.
A united Ireland government would provide a single, focused and democratically accountable policy to manage the economy and provide for fair progressive taxation, regulation and trade. It would provide the tools to create greater opportunities for growth and employment by creating a better business climate for advancement of entrepreneurial spirit north and south.
The northern economy is peripheral to both the British Economy and the political machinations of Westminster. Economic policy developed in London has been driven by the needs of Britain or as the Scottish people have said the British economy is driven by the needs of England or London. It is certainly not driven by the needs of the people of Ireland north and south. The debate on EU membership, the British HGV levy, and the current welfare cuts agenda represent but a few examples of British policy development that has ignored the needs of the people of the north.
It’s time unionism stopped hiding behind the word subvention and begin the debate as to how we grow the economy for the benefit of all.
We want Ireland, North and South to be self-sustaining in terms of economy and public services. We believe that the economy can and should grow significantly when the costs of partition are removed and the full potential of an integrated island economy is unleashed.

Public Services in a United Ireland

A strong economy can support comprehensive public services. A new agreed and United Ireland will allow for the development of fully integrated public services throughout this island for the benefit of all citizens.
For example we could transform how we deliver health services across the island. The total spend per capita within the current overall health system in the south is more than the per capita spend in the north or in Britain. With vision, commitment and determination we could deliver better services to all the people of Ireland.
Sinn Féin has called for a Border poll to be conducted in the next political term. We are not seeking a sectarian headcount but an informed, reasoned and respectful dialogue.
The Scottish people have led the way on this and shown clearly that it is possible to have a respectful and democratic debate and referendum.
The question of Irish Unity is about a fundamental democratic choice for us all. Is an all-Ireland government representative of all the people best placed to deliver prosperity, equality and reconciliation or should that ultimately rest with an unaccountable and unelected government in Westminster.

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Michelle Gildernew has called on the British government to release its files on the Loughgall massacre.
Speaking as relatives of those killed in the massacre prepared to meet NIO officials to discuss the cases, Ms Gildernew said;
“The British government has continually denied truth and justice to the families of those killed at Loughgall.
Theresa Villiers has repeatedly blocked any attempts by the families to find the truth of what happened to their loved ones.
Her attempt to block fresh inquests into the killings was described as ‘profoundly wrong’ by the Attorney General.
Fresh inquests should be called immediately and all papers relating to the massacre released.
This is yet another example of the cabinet ministers in London showing utter disregard for the families in favour of protecting their own interests.
It also exposes once again the lie that the British state was not a protagonist to the conflict.
The continual denial of justice to the families of those killed at Loughgall is a abuse of their human rights.
All of this highlights the need to have a meaningful way of dealing with the past.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin’s Pat Doherty MP and Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD have called on the Irish Government to recommit to the development of the North-West region. They stated that the government must ensure that it positively revisits the construction of the A5 motorway in 2015.
The Sinn Féin representatives were speaking following a meeting of the Good Friday Agreement Implementation Committee in which members received a presentation from the North-West Cross Border Group.
Speaking from Leinster House, Pat Doherty MP said;
“The North-West region has been one of the hardest hit by the current economic crisis. It was unfortunate that the Irish government withdraw a substantial amount of its committed investment in the construction of the A5 motorway.
This is huge matter of concern for the people of West Tyrone and Donegal.”
Deputy Mac Lochlainn added;
“Given the rising levels of urban-rural disparity across the island, I am calling on the Irish government to take a positive approach when it revisits its commitment to the construction A5 motorway in 2015. I fear the region will experience further economic marginalisation if this does not happen.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Michelle Gildernew has called on the SDLP to state clearly where they stand on the issue of a border poll following the recent historic referendum in Scotland.
Ms Gildernew said:
“The SDLP need to state clearly as a party whether they are in favour of a border poll or not.
On one hand Colum Eastwood in the Belfast Telegraph says now is the right time for the debate given the recent Scottish poll while on the other hand Alasdair McDonnell said today at the British Labour party conference that it would be a distraction.
People will clearly be asking the question where do the SDLP stand on this question. Given the historic nature of the Scottish independence vote now is the time to begin the debate in earnest.
Sinn Féin has called for a border poll in the lifetime of the next assembly. We do not want a rushed job but a meaningful and informed debate. The SDLP should join with us in this campaign.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin West Belfast MP Paul Maskey this morning accused unionists of wanting the trappings of power without the responsibility that goes with it.
Paul Maskey was speaking at a cross-party panel discussion at the Labour Party Conference in Manchester this morning (23/09/2014).
The West Belfast MP said:
“Tory cuts have not been implemented in the north due to our party stalling the passage of the Bill.
We are calling for all local parties to stand together to fight the Tory government’s efforts to impose the vicious welfare cuts.
Last week Martin McGuinness made it clear – the DUP minister responsible for welfare should bring the Bill to the floor of the Assembly for debate and votes. Let them explain how foisting this welfare cuts agenda on their own working-class constituents, as well as everyone else, is in any way desirable.
If they refuse to bring the Bill forward, then the issue should go to the people, by way of an election to the Assembly. We fear no election.
Either way Sinn Fein will not support the cuts demanded by a cabinet of millionaires in London, who have not received one vote in Ireland. We stand alongside the poor, the low paid and the disadvantaged in this battle.
So things are not good, but let me be clear – collapsing the institutions is not on our agenda. These institutions are part and parcel of the Good Friday Agreement.
“Over the last two years, political unionism has clearly moved into an anti-Agreement mode.
The evidence is clear – violent unionist reaction to a lawful, democratic decision of Belfast City Council to reduce the flying of the union flag; violent reaction to the lawful decision of the Parades Commission to prevent an unwanted Orange Order march to pass nationalist Ardoyne in North Belfast; Peter Robinson reneging on the agreed Programme for Government commitment to develop the Long Kesh/Maze site; refusal to agree the compromises emerging from the Haass/O’Sullivan talks late last year; walkout from party leaders’ talks in July, and threats to bring down the institutions at every conceivable opportunity from ‘On The Runs’, the Parades Commission decision, and now welfare cuts.
This approach has increasingly defined the nature of DUP participation in the political institutions in the north. We see no genuine willingness to share power with republicans in a real partnership government.
But this has only been allowed to continue because the British government has repeatedly shown its willingness to capitulate to a unionist agenda, and are unwilling to stand up to unionist threats and intransigence.
This situation is untenable, and it is time that the British and Irish governments – with support from the US – stepped up to the mark, get engaged positively and get things moving again.
It is clear that Unionists want the trappings of power without the responsibility of standing up for those they were elected to represent.”

Sinn Fein

West Belfast MP Paul Maskey has welcomed British Shadow Secretary of State Ivan Lewis’s assurance that Labour’s Weston Park commitment to a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane will be honoured.
Paul Maskey, who will participate in a panel discussion with Mr Lewis at the Labour Party Conference in Manchester on Tuesday (23/09/14) said:
“I look forward to highlighting Sinn Féin’s opposition to the Tory cuts agenda when I participate in the cross-party breakfast panel event on Tuesday morning. I will also use the opportunity of Ivan Lewis’s presence to further explore his comments on the Pat Finucane Inquiry.
At a packed fringe meeting on Sunday night when pressed on the issue by Michelle Gildernew MP, Mr Lewis responded that the former Labour government’s Weston Park position was a ‘non-negotiable commitment’ and would be honoured in the event of a Labour victory at the election next year.
I welcome this assurance and will be speaking to Ivan Lewis tomorrow on this and a range of other issues including the effects of the Tory cuts agenda on people in the North of Ireland.”

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Michelle Gildernew speaking at a Labour Party Conference fringe meeting told her audience that ‘our political process is in a perilous – I would actually say untenable – position’.
Addressing the theme, “Labour, Ireland and defending the peace process” the Fermanagh South Tyrone MP said:
“Much work was put in by many people to get the Good Friday Agreement.
However its implementation is far from over – but to continue the task needs momentum. At present, our political process is in a perilous – I would actually say untenable – position.
Over the last two years, political unionism has clearly moved into an anti-Agreement mode.
In 2012 we saw the violent unionist and loyalist reaction to the lawful, democratic decision of Belfast City Council to reduce the flying of the union flag to ‘designated’ days – the same as in the Assembly.
In 2013 we saw the violent unionist and loyalist reaction to the lawful decision of the Parades Commission preventing an unwanted Orange Order march to pass nationalist Ardoyne in North Belfast.
And then in 2013, DUP leader Peter Robinson reneged on the agreed Programme for Government commitment to develop the Long Kesh/Maze site – by way of a letter sent from Florida, not to his joint First Minister Martin McGuinness, but to DUP party colleagues.
This approach has increasingly defined the nature of DUP participation in the political institutions in the north. We see no genuine willingness to share power with republicans in a real partnership government, or to embrace things like mutual respect, parity of esteem or reconciliation.
Since the May elections, we have seen the makings of a pan-unionist coalition of the unionist political parties – including those aligned to the paramilitary UDA & UVF. It is an anti-GFA axis, aiming to subvert the GFA’s principles and processes.
So we have seen a refusal to agree the compromises emerging from the talks chaired by Richard Haass & Meghan O’Sullivan later last year; a walkout from reconvened party leaders’ talks in July, and threats to bring down the institutions over the issues of ‘On The Runs’, the Parades Commission decision, and now most recently on the issue of cuts.
This situation is untenable, and it is for the British and Irish governments – with support from the US – to step up, get engaged positively and get things moving again.”

The full text of Michelle Gildernew’s speech tonight:

This year marks the 16th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, a watershed in Irish politics and surely one of the British Labour Party’s greatest recent achievements.
Much work was put in by many people to get the Agreement and to slowly and painstakingly work to get it implemented.
That implementation is far, far from over – but to continue with that task needs momentum – the bicycle syndrome where at least slow pedalling is needed to keep moving forwards.
However at present, our political process is in a perilous – I would actually say untenable – position.
And this is because not only is the bike not being moved forwards, but there are significant elements looking to find a reverse gear.
Over the last two years, political unionism has clearly moved into an anti-Agreement mode.
In 2012 we saw the violent unionist and loyalist reaction to the lawful, democratic decision of Belfast City Council to reduce the flying of the union flag to ‘designated’ days – the same as in the Assembly, where unionists accept this state of affairs quite quietly.
In 2013 we saw the violent unionist and loyalist reaction to the lawful decision of the Parades Commission to prevent an unwanted Orange Order march to pass nationalist Ardoyne in North Belfast.
And then in 2013, DUP leader Peter Robinson reneged on the agreed Programme for Government commitment to develop the Long Kesh/Maze site – by way of a letter sent from Florida, not to his joint First Minister Martin McGuinness, but to DUP party colleagues.
This approach has increasingly defined the nature of DUP participation in the political institutions in the north.
We see no genuine willingness to share power with republicans in a real partnership government, or to embrace things like mutual respect, parity of esteem or reconciliation.
And the reasons for this are clear. Many in the DUP entered the arrangement unwillingly back in 2007, and are still lukewarm – to say the least – about the new dispensation. But since the May elections, we have seen the makings of a pan-unionist coalition of the unionist political parties – including those aligned to the paramilitary UDA & UVF.
It is primarily focussed on the parades issue, and trying to reverse the Ardoyne decision – but it’s wider than that – it is an anti-GFA axis, aiming to subvert the GFA’s principles and processes.
So we have seen a refusal to agree the compromises emerging from the talks chaired by Richard Haass & Meghan O’Sullivan later last year; a walkout from reconvened party leaders’ talks in July, and threats to bring down the institutions over the issues of ‘On The Runs’, the Parades Commission decision, and now most recently on the issue of welfare reform – or what are in reality welfare cuts.
I will return to welfare cuts in a minute, but what does need said very clearly is that all of this unionist obstruction, delaying, sitting on their hands and seeking reverse gear back to the 1960’s is being facilitated and allowed to happen by the behaviour of the government in London.
It has repeatedly shown its willingness to capitulate, and an unwillingness to stand up to unionist threats and intransigence. Reasons or explanations are various – a total lack of interest or engagement? Possibly, but it can be argued they are engaged – engaged in doing the wrong things. An ideological sympathy with where unionists are at? Remember, the Tories did not negotiate the GFA or St Andrews – to them republicans are still the enemy. And the small matter of eight DUP seats – and votes – post 2015 general election cannot be ignored.
As I said earlier, this situation is untenable, and it is for the British and Irish governments – with support from the US – to step up, get engaged positively and get things moving again.
We need to talk – there are too many issues sitting unresolved and unagreed – and I welcome signs in recent days that we may be moving into full and inclusive negotiations on all of this.
To return to the issue of welfare reform, let me be brief and clear.
The British Welfare Reform process has not been implemented in the north.
This is due to our party stalling the passage of the Welfare Reform Bill, which the Assembly must pass.
We had hoped for much more cross-party efforts to fight the London government on this.
This has not happened. Unionism are content to bring this insidious Bill into force, and all that flows from it – and I do not need to tell people here just what welfare “reform” really means.
Last week Martin McGuinness made it clear – the DUP minister responsible should bring the Bill to the floor of the Assembly for debate and votes, and let them explain how foisting this welfare cuts agenda on their own working class constituents, as well as everyone else, is in any way desirable.
If they refuse to bring the Bill, then this issue should go to the people, by way of an election to the Assembly.
We fear no election.
Sinn Fein will not deliver the cuts demanded by a cabinet of millionaires in London, who have not one vote in Ireland, and we stand alongside the poor, the low paid and the disadvantaged in this battle.
So things are not good. What unionism’s aim is is not always clear – to collapse the institutions so as not to be handcuffed to Sinn Fein in the run-up to next year’s general election?
Possible, but again let me be clear, that is not our agenda. We do not want direct Tory rule from London. We want local politicians making the decisions and doing proper government and delivery.
These institutions are part and parcel of the Good Friday arrangements, and those need developed and strengthened, not thrown to the side.
To conclude, as I remarked at the start, the GFA must be seen as one of Labours biggest achievements, and we certainly believe that there is a big onus on the present Labour party to help in ensuring that things do not go down.
And I know Ivan and his colleagues have been at the heels of Theresa Villiers and the government here to step up and to engage positively – in an even-handed way. That is sorely needed as we find ourselves in the choppiest of political waters, and those demands need to be louder and stronger.
Next year could see Labour return to power, and of course there are many issues we would wish to see them working on in preparation for that, and once in power – the transfer of more fiscal powers to the Assembly, the completion of the many (still) outstanding elements of our Agreements and much else, including Labour’s previous public commitment to a public inquiry into the assassination of Pat Finucane.
So we have much to deal with – crunching down on all the difficult issues; ensuring the very survival of our institutions, and standing up against the Tory cuts.
I’ll leave you with all of that, and I look forward to Ivan’s contribution and to the discussion.

Sinn Fein

Sinn Féin MP Paul Maskey was selected tonight to contest the West Belfast in next year’s Westminster election. Paul Maskey succeeded party leader Gerry Adams when he won the seat in a by election in 2011.
Paul Maskey said tonight it was vital that his party stood firm against Tory plans to impose welfare cuts on the North.
Mr Maskey said:
“We are taking the lead in challenging the Tory welfare cuts, we are the party who will block the welfare cuts, we are the party who will protect working families, the working poor, we will protect the unemployed and those with disabilities.
Next week I will be attending the British Labour party conference and I will be making it very clear to Labour MPs and party activists that we will oppose any effort to impose welfare cuts on the people of the North.”

This is the full text of Paul Maskey’s speech to Sinn Féin activists tonight in the Felon’s Club.

“It’s a great honour and a privilege to be selected to contest the West Belfast Westminster seat on behalf of Sinn Féin for a second time.
It’s also a great privilege to be a member of the most vibrant and largest party on this island and standing this evening with the hardest party workers here in west Belfast.
Tonight we are embarking on another election campaign, for an election that will take place in May. I would rather be going door to door tonight asking people to make their way to the polling station to vote for Irish independence like so many people in Scotland today but that will only happen for us with electoral strength.
That’s what we in this room are about, building that strength and building Irish unity.
As the debate in Scotland has demonstrated there is a strong and convincing argument to be made for independence, an argument that even one-time opponents of the concept of independence find they can buy into.
Therefore our party will continue to demand a border poll to put the case for Irish unity and independence to the electorate. It’s a debate we can win and it’s clear that our enemies fear us putting our case about the benefits of Irish unity to the people.
Stability and equality are today the foremost threats to Britain’s claim to this part of Ireland. Stability, because it will remove all of the distractions that prevent people from focussing on the issues that matter. Equality, because it attacks the discriminatory culture that held this state together.
When Peter Robinson complains that the Executive is not fit for purpose he of course means that it isn’t fit for any useful unionist purpose. It has been structured to prevent unionist domination and misrule. It has been designed to ensure that unionist politicians can’t buy support with the modern-day equivalent of a job in the shipyard or a council house.
And so the unionist vote has fallen into decline.
We might have expected a fightback from the unionist leadership but nothing has materialised. Unionist people, who like us, find their living standards under daily attack from millionaire London-based Tory politicians might have expected their elected representatives to stand against the austerity programme. These people will have been frustrated by the readiness of unionist politicians to support a Tory agenda.
Almost daily you can pick up a newspaper and read of a crisis pertaining to one area of government or another. It can’t all be dismissed as inept ministerial management.
At some stage even the most stubborn unionist will have to consider the possibility that the so-called union is failing us all.
Here in West Belfast it is easy for republicans to become complacent ahead of a Westminster election. Retaining the seat simply isn’t enough. In order to move matters forward we have to win in resounding fashion. We have to do what it takes to win every possible vote and that work must start immediately.
Make no mistake; we can stand before the electorate in this constituency with confidence because we have delivered on past promises.
Sinn Féin has transformed West Belfast. Where once there was a shameful lack of investment we have ensured that this constituency is moving forward.
For those that say nothing changes we should urge them to take a drive around the constituency.
Take a look at the Falls Leisure Centre after a £6m investment. Just look at the new Dunville Park after £2m in investment.
Look at the new social houses throughout the area.
Work has begun on the new Rapid Transit system, £100m being spent between west and east Belfast.
The Social Investment Fund of over £12m will be coming on line soon and part of that is creating 200 jobs over the next two years.
St Comgall’s will be redeveloped to the value of £7m.
Colaiste Feirste has received £12m for new school buildings starting this year.
There have been road realignments and environmental projects throughout west Belfast improving the infrastructure and creating a welcome environment costing over £8m in areas such as Falls, Upper Springfield, Upper Falls and Colin areas.
A new Irish school in Twinbrook cost £1.5m plus over £2m went to St Gerard’s new school.
The finance secured for a new leisure centre in Andersonstown for £19m and £10m for a new leisure centre at the Brooke Activity Centre.
There has been over £1m secured for the Colinglen Forest Park attracting more people to the park.
Take a look at the unemployment register, 974 fewer people claiming unemployment in the last 12 months.
We are the leading party challenging the Tory welfare cuts, we are the party who will block the welfare cuts, we are the party who will protect the working families, the working poor, we will protect the unemployed and will protect those with disabilities.
These are just a few of the issues we have worked and delivered on. There are far too many for me to cover here this evening but our councillors, MLAs, the MP’s office and our activists have changed the landscape of west Belfast over many years and we like no one else will continue to do so as there is a lot more to do.
It is up to all of us between now and Election Day to make sure that not a single voter is left in any doubt as to what we have done in this constituency on their behalf.
We will ignore the small number of negative voices that complain about change and will instead point up the many benefits – to all of the things we have delivered.
We will challenge political opponents who might be critical of aspects of our work to explain how they would have done things differently. Nobody gets off the hook. We are after every vote.
There is a lot to do but the prize has never been bigger. It has been an honour and privilege to serve as Sinn Féin MP in this constituency. It is an honour to have been selected by you to run again for Westminster. It is a much greater honour though to be a republican activist at this pivotal time in our country’s history.”